Compassion: Idiot and Absolute, Chogyam Trungpa

unless you make the right kind of effort yourself, you will remain the same.

Compassion: Idiot and Absolute, Chogyam Trungpa

Student: Rinpoche, you spoke of compassion as being bad medicine for ego. Yet Naropa violates our definition of compassion in a number of ways.

Trungpa Rinpoche: There are two different types of compassion. There is actual compassion, direct compassion, absolute compassion. Then there is the other kind of compassion that Mr. Gurdjieff' calls "idiot compassion," which is compassion with neurosis, a slimy way of trying to fulfill your desire secretly. This is your aim, but you give the appearance of being generous and impersonal.

Student: What is absolute compassion?

Trungpa Rinpoche: Absolute compassion is seeing the situation as it is, directly and thoroughly. If you have to be tough, you just do it. In other words, idiot compassion contains a sort of opium - constantly trying to be good and kind - and absolute compassion is more literal, more discriminating, and more definite. You are willing to hurt somebody, even though you do not want to hurt him or her, you might have to inflict pain.

That is precisely why, in the Buddhist tradition, we don't start with the teaching of compassion, the mahayana, but we start with the teaching of the lesser vehicle, the hinayana. In the hinayana, you try to get yourself together. Then you start applying your compassion after that, having gotten yourself together, having built the foundation. You can't just work on the level of absolute compassion right from the beginning. You have to develop towards it.

The following statements, which were made in 1981 by powerful international banker and unapologetic eugenicist, Jacques Attali, are taken from Interviews with Michel Salomon – The Faces of the Future, Seghers edition, which was published in France by Emi Lit when Attali was a senior adviser to French President, Francoise Mitterand:

Too large a population, and for the most part unnecessary, is something economically too expensive. Socially, it is also much better for the human machine to come to an abrupt halt rather than gradually deteriorating. We won’t be able to run intelligence tests on millions and millions of people, you can imagine!

We will find something or cause it, a pandemic that targets certain people, a real economic crisis or not, a virus that will affect the old or the fat, it doesn’t matter, the weak will succumb to it, the fearful and the stupid will believe it and ask to be treated.

We will have taken care to have planned the treatment, a treatment that will be the solution.

The selection of idiots will thus be done on its own: they will go to the slaughterhouse on their own.”

The Weapons of Hyperconflict

Twenty five years later in 2006, Attali’s best-selling book, A Brief History of the Future – A Brave and Controversial Look at the 21st Century, was published in France.

It was then released by Arcade Publishing in the US, with a review by the Rothschild Cartel’s long-serving globalist henchman, Henry Kissinger, on the front cover, stating that the international banker’s book was “brilliant and provocative”.

As if the glowing endorsement of a man who has been charged with genocide on three continents isn’t enough to set off the alarm bells that toll for crimes against humanity, here is what Attali wrote in a chapter of the book called The Weapons of Hyperconflict:

“In all ages, the outcome of wars has been decided by possession of new arms and by the price attached by each belligerent to the lives of its own soldiers. In their time, the archers at the battle of Crécy, the tanks of the First World War, and the atomic weapons of the Second World War decided the fate of battles.

In all ages, new weapons have appeared, at once the products and the midwives of civilian technologies: the propeller was born with the lever, rearms with mechanization, tanks with the automobile. Inversely, it was in the armed forces that the telegraph, the radio, energy, the nuclear weapon, and the Internet were born alongside many other technological innovations.

In the next fifty years, new technologies will be developed by armies before being used on the civilian market. For defense or police needs, governments will finance the research needed for perfection of the technologies of hypersurveillance and selfsurveillance. Inversely, these technologies will then have civil applications.

In fact, these future weapons will essentially be founded on the concept of surveillance. Armies will at once develop digital infrastructures of nomadic ubiquity, surveillance systems for suspect movements, the means of protecting strategic installations, and a network of economic intelligence. Robots (concealed in enemy territory) and drones (flying robots) will relay data, detect chemical or biological agents, and serve as scouts ahead of infantry detachments faced with mined areas or blind spots. Software simulating battle will be permanently updated as close as possible to the battlefields.

Furthermore, new combat units will be integrated with the means of simulation, surveillance, and striking. New networks and instruments of nomadic ubiquity will allow combatants to stay connected and simulate every kind of situation. Intelligent clothing will serve to manufacture new uniforms; new materials will make it possible to design new shields. Three-dimensional simulation technologies will help prepare and carry out combat missions, while robots will work as substitutes for real fighters.

Electronic systems (e-bombs) will be able to destroy communications grids and leave an opposing force blind and deaf.

Marines will play a new part in the fight against trackers, in emigration surveillance, and in the protection of strategic straits. Fighter aircraft will no longer be as useful as today, and will lose their influence over staff thinking and military budgets.

New, so-called conventional weapons will be all the more necessary as unconventional weapons (nuclear and other) become more and more widely disseminated.

[…] By 2040 or 2050, a total of more than fifteen countries will openly possess nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them.

Shortage of oil will also impel the most diverse countries toward the production of civil nuclear power stations. This will lead them to use recycled wastes, known as MOX, for fuel — further multiplying the risks of proliferation and also of “disappearance” of wastes (during the transfer of these radioactive materials). Such wastes could then be used to manufacture radiological weapons mingling nuclear wastes and conventional explosives.

Other weapons — chemical, biological, bacteriological, electronic, and nanotechnological — will then appear. As with the new civil technologies they will prefigure, scientists will strive to increase their power, their miniaturization, and their accuracy. Chemical arms will be capable of seeking out and killing leaders without being detected; pandemics could be ready for unleashing at will; complex genetic arms may one day be directed specifically against certain ethnic groups.

Nanorobots as small as a mote of dust, known as gray jelly, could carry out stealth surveillance missions and attack the cells of enemy bodies. Then, once animal cloning techniques have progressed, cloned animals could well carry out missions — living animal bombs, monsters out of nightmare.

These weapons will not be developed solely in the military laboratories of powerful countries but also by big businesses, “circus businesses,” which will find new markets for them. As always, armaments will remain at the heart of the industrial apparatus, and until super-empire is here, public markets will be essentially oriented toward the armaments sector. Big insurance firms and mercenary companies will then pick up the torch.

Most of these weapons will be accessible to small nations, to nonstates, to corsairs, to pirates, mercenaries, maquisards, mafias, terrorists, and every kind of tracker. In the not distant future, for example, it will be possible to make an e-bomb for $400 from a condenser, a reel of copper wire, and an explosive. Chemical, radiological, and biological weapons will thus be affordable to everyone. Killing more and more people with rudimentary means will become a sad possibility. In cities and on mass transport, crowding will multiply the effectiveness of the most primitive weapons.

Finally (and perhaps especially), since no war can be won unless the peoples waging it believe it just and necessary, and unless the loyalty of citizens and their belief in its values are maintained, the chief weapons of the future will be the instruments of propaganda, communication, and intimidation.”

Genocide Unleashed

Given that Attali’s mind-blowingly amoral rhetoric echoes that of every other outspoken eugenicist over the past 150 years, the forgoing passages cannot be set aside as either conjecture or conspiracy theory.

However, on the basis that he predicted in 1981 that there would be genocidal culling of the over 60’s, the weak and the stupid, the catalyst for which would be finding or manufacturing a viral pandemic, the following statement is all the more conspicuous: “pandemics could be ready for unleashing at will”.

As is the final sentence quoted, which confirms that the chief weapons of the long-planned war against the People are “the instruments of propaganda, communication and intimidation.” The parallels between Attali’s predictions of such genocides being unleashed in the 21st century and the events of COVID-1984 are chillingly striking.

Nevertheless, without the majority of the public believing blatant government lies about a ‘virus’ which has never been isolated or purified, the censorship of opposing views and the erection of a police state would have proven impossible.

It naturally follows that when the majority rejects the fraudulent narrative, opposing views, censored or not, will become the norm and the police state can then be systematically deconstructed with totalitarian non-compliance to every tyrannical rogue government diktat and the criminal prosecution of all those charged with crimes against humanity.

For Agamben a political life is aimed at the one thing that makes us human – the fact that happiness is always at stake in our living – essential to our form-of-life as humans. For Agamben life can never be separated from its form-of-life but this is precisely what political power attempts to do today as what Agamben terms “pseudo-scientific” ideology has invented the term “biological life” as the secularized term for “naked life.” Naked life, for Agamben is now the dominant form of life everywhere because political power has succeeded in founding itself on a separation of naked life from “form-of-life”.

I think of Agamben when Baudrillard speaks of his own “virtual state of rupture” with the political world and it is precisely this break, the lack of system commitments,  that make both he and Agamben such acute commentators on the (trans)political today. Baudrillard has long identified the state with the management of “the epidemic of consensus” from which terrorism, ridiculous and destined to failure as it is, protects us. Indeed, the state and terrorism both serve the system well. The state has held us nuclear hostages since the end of World War II,11 and now the entire planet is reduced to a battleground for the war against terrorism. Today terrorism and the state have become “accomplices in a circular set-up where terrorism makes no more sense than the state does.

Taken together, the thought of Agamben and Baudrillard anticipates a kind of escape velocity from the tired formulas and repressing structures of the present and its seeming slide into the inhuman. Agamben recognizes not only that the “state of emergency” is not the exception but the rule in modern political power, while perceptively pointing out that political power works very hard to produce emergency and in so doing attempts to construct “naked life” as the dominant form of life everywhere (which is the hidden foundation of modern political power). This is not far from Baudrillard’s focus on the “police state globalization” and “total control” of the “terror” of economic deregulation and liberal globalization which “ends up in a maximum of constraints and restrictions, akin to those of a fundamentalist society.

Birthday ruminations.

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