Framing this Manifesto slightly differently this is the ideology and strategy of the Great Reset. Marxist Neo Liberalism with a dollop of Futurism and Technocracy. Global control via UN and WHO. Beneath some of the text from the Manifesto are two links. One link to the full text. The other link to Canada and WHO.
At the beginning of the second decade of the Twenty-First Century, global civilization faces a new breed of cataclysm. These coming apocalypses ridicule the norms and organisational structures of the politics which were forged in the birth of the nation-state, the rise of capitalism, and a Twentieth Century of unprecedented wars.
2. Most significant is the breakdown of the planetary climatic system. In time, this threatens the continued existence of the present global human population. Though this is the most critical of the threats which face humanity, a series of lesser but potentially equally destabilising problems exist alongside and intersect with it. Terminal resource depletion, especially in water and energy reserves, offers the prospect of mass starvation, collapsing economic paradigms, and new hot and cold wars. Continued financial crisis has led governments to embrace the paralyzing death spiral policies of austerity, privatisation of social welfare services, mass unemployment, and stagnating wages. Increasing automation in production processes including ‘intellectual labour’ is evidence of the secular crisis of capitalism, soon to render it incapable of maintaining current standards of living for even the former middle classes of the global north.
3. In contrast to these ever-accelerating catastrophes, today’s politics is beset by an inability to generate the new ideas and modes of organisation necessary to transform our societies to confront and resolve the coming annihilations. While crisis gathers force and speed, politics withers and retreats. In this paralysis of the political imaginary, the future has been cancelled.
4. Since 1979, the hegemonic global political ideology has been neoliberalism, found in some variant throughout the leading economic powers. In spite of the deep structural challenges the new global problems present to it, most immediately the credit, financial, and fiscal crises since 2007–8, neoliberal programmes have only evolved in the sense of deepening. This continuation of the neoliberal project, or neoliberalism 2.0, has begun to apply another round of structural adjustments, most significantly in the form of encouraging new and aggressive incursions by the private sector into what remains of social democratic institutions and services. This is in spite of the immediately negative economic and social effects of such policies, and the longer term fundamental barriers posed by the new global crises.
5. That the forces of right wing governmental, non-governmental, and corporate power have been able to press forth with neoliberalisation is at least in part a result of the continued paralysis and ineffectual nature of much what remains of the left. Thirty years of neoliberalism have rendered most left-leaning political parties bereft of radical thought, hollowed out, and without a popular mandate. At best they have responded to our present crises with calls for a return to a Keynesian economics, in spite of the evidence that the very conditions which enabled post-war social democracy to occur no longer exist. We cannot return to mass industrial-Fordist labour by fiat, if at all. Even the neosocialist regimes of South America’s Bolivarian Revolution, whilst heartening in their ability to resist the dogmas of contemporary capitalism, remain disappointingly unable to advance an alternative beyond mid-Twentieth Century socialism. Organised labour, being systematically weakened by the changes wrought in the neoliberal project, is sclerotic at an institutional level and — at best — capable only of mildly mitigating the new structural adjustments. But with no systematic approach to building a new economy, or the structural solidarity to push such changes through, for now labour remains relatively impotent. The new social movements which emerged since the end of the Cold War, experiencing a resurgence in the years after 2008, have been similarly unable to devise a new political ideological vision. Instead they expend considerable energy on internal direct-democratic process and affective self-valorisation over strategic efficacy, and frequently propound a variant of neo-primitivist localism, as if to oppose the abstract violence of globalised capital with the flimsy and ephemeral “authenticity” of communal immediacy.
6. In the absence of a radically new social, political, organisational, and economic vision the hegemonic powers of the right will continue to be able to push forward their narrow-minded imaginary, in the face of any and all evidence. At best, the left may be able for a time to partially resist some of the worst incursions. But this is to be Canute against an ultimately irresistible tide. To generate a new left global hegemony entails a recovery of lost possible futures, and indeed the recovery of the future as such. https://criticallegalthinking.com/2013/05/14/accelerate-manifesto-for-an-accelerationist-politics/
I see this as a map of a strange terrain. Some of it we walk today ideologically can be framed in the Manifesto. The WEF has a single vision of the future Neo Feudal order and it is more Left than Right.
Now I post how WHO integrates into domestic politics. COVID-19 has pushed political and health leaders to consider transforming global health governance on pandemics. The proposal for a pandemic treaty is one of the most prominent reform ideas. Several heads of government and international institutions — as well as independent reports, nongovernmental organizations, and academics — support the negotiation of a pandemic treaty. The proposal has also provoked criticism and interest in developing a non-binding instrument or revising the International Health Regulations (2005) (IHR). https://ourworld.unu.edu/en/the-world-health-assembly-special-session-and-the-pandemic-treaty-controversy
At the World Health Assembly (WHA) meeting in May 2021, member states of the World Health Organization (WHO) could not reach a consensus on pursuing a pandemic treaty. Instead, they agreed to hold a WHA special session to discuss the development of “a convention, agreement or other international instrument on pandemic preparedness and response.” The special session exhibited the same lack of consensus on December 1 and established an intergovernmental negotiating body (INB) to negotiate a “convention, agreement or other international instrument on pandemic prevention, preparedness and response.”
This decision means the debate about a pandemic treaty will continue before the INB’s first meeting in March 2022. The debate has legal, health, and political components that give it a ‘glass half full/glass half empty’ quality. How the INB resolves the treaty question will be consequential, especially for hundreds of millions of people in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) who are too often marginalized in the making and reshaping of the architecture of global health governance.
A Glass Half Full
COVID-19 has prompted many global health experts to argue that the WHO should embrace the ambitious definition of health in its constitution and fulfill its mandate as the “directing and coordinating authority” on international health by adopting a pandemic treaty. The WHO has the constitutional power to create treaty law as well as non-binding instruments and recommendations. WHO members have negotiated binding agreements, including the IHR and the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, and non-binding instruments, such as the Pandemic Influenza Preparedness Framework and the Global Code of Practice on the International Recruitment of Health Personnel.